讲述前苏联的一个工业城市Magnitogorsk 在戈尔巴乔夫时期的改革经历、镇痛。作者是美国人，主要以他几次访问苏联的经历为主要线索

In Raised under Stalin, Seth Bernstein shows how Stalin’s regime provided young people with opportunities as members of the Young Communist League or Komsomol even as it surrounded them with violence, shaping socialist youth culture and socialism more broadly through the threat and experience of war. Informed by declassified materials from post-Soviet archives, as well as films, memoirs, and diaries by and about youth, Raised under Stalin explains the divided status of youth for the Bolsheviks: they were the "new people" who would someday build communism, the potential soldiers who would defend the USSR, and the hooligans who might undermine it from within. Bernstein explains how, although Soviet revolutionary youth culture began as the preserve of proletarian activists, the Komsomol transformed under Stalin to become a mass organization of moral education; youth became the targets of state repression even as Stalin’s regime offered them the opportunity to participate in political culture. Raised under Stalin follows Stalinist youth into their ultimate test, World War II. Even as the war against Germany decimated the ranks of Young Communists, Bernstein finds evidence that it cemented Stalinist youth culture as a core part of socialism.

根据Quadrangle/The New York Times Book Co.. New Yort,1976. Hedrick Smith "The Russians"

本书是苏联克格勃特工处一名上尉写的回忆录。他在苏联驻东德部队的一个摩托化步兵团里做反谍报工作。他利用工作之便，借到西柏林参观英、美军事设施之机，通过西德警察局逃往西方。书中对苏联利用克格勃统治和镇压人民，对外侵略的丑恶面目多有揭露。

In 1929 Stalin launched his policy of agricultural collectivization—in effect a second Russian revolution—which forced millions of peasants off their land and onto collective farms. The result was a catastrophic famine, the most lethal in European history. At least 5 million people died between 1931 and 1933 in the USSR. But instead of sending relief the Soviet state made use of the catastrophe to rid itself of a political problem. In Red Famine, Anne Applebaum argues that more than 3 million of those dead were Ukrainians who perished not because they were accidental victims of a bad policy but because the state deliberately set out to kill them. Applebaum proves what has long been suspected: after a series of rebellions unsettled the province, Stalin set out to destroy the Ukrainian peasantry. The state sealed the republic’s borders and seized all available food. Starvation set in rapidly, and people ate anything: grass, tree bark, dogs, corpses. In some cases, they killed one another for food. Devastating and definitive, Red Famine captures the horror of ordinary people struggling to survive extraordinary evil.

通过说明克里姆林宫领导人和苏联精英们的利益、抱负、幻想、恐惧以及误解，祖博克对这个 20世纪最大的僵局提供了一种苏方的观察。除其他资源之外，他还利用最近解密的政治局记录、密码电报、日记和谈话录音，使本书成为从苏方出发对冷战进行完整地描述的第一部英文著作。《失败的帝国》呈现出的历史与西方胜利者所写的大不相同。 弗拉迪斯拉夫·祖博克认为，西方有关冷战的阐释，错在要么夸大了克里姆林宫的实用主义倾向，要么夸大了它的侵略性。通过说明克里姆林宫领导人和苏联精英们的利益、抱负、幻想、恐惧以及误解，祖博克对这个20世纪最大的僵局提供了一种苏方的观察。除其他资源之外，他还利用最近解密的政治局记录、密码电报、日记和谈话录音，使本书成为从苏方出发对冷战进行完整地描述的第一部英文著作。《失败的帝国》呈现出的历史与西方胜利者所写的大不相同。 祖博克在此书中认为，自斯大林始，长期对苏联领导人的对外决策产生重要影响的是革命-帝国范式，也就是说意识形态和追求成为“社会主义帝国”这两大因素主导了苏联领导人在冷战中的决策。直至戈尔巴乔夫的出现，这一点才发生改变。另外，此书非常明显的一个特点是，作者认为在历史事件中，领导人的个人因素起到了决定性作用。比如，作者认为，戈尔巴乔夫太过于“浪漫主义”，正是他在追求与西方世界的“和平”这一问题上的天真导致了苏联的崩溃。如果换一个领导人，苏联还是会在全球范围内收缩，但可能仍然可以继续凝聚各加盟共和国及中东欧的部分国家，而不至于出现20世纪90年代初的突然崩溃。

《帝国》是卡普钦斯基横越俄罗斯的私人报告，这部纪实文学是卡普钦斯基倾尽全力与心血的著作，为读者全方位、多视角地解析了俄罗斯的过去。一路上，卡普钦斯基接触到的大多是普通的老百姓，他捕捉了苏联即将解体之际，那片土地满载的冲突与情感，以及人们对于未来的恐惧与希望。这份“报告”见证了冲突，见证了苦难，也见证了希望。 卡普钦斯基是波兰新闻和文学界一位里程碑式的人物,这部纪实文学是他横越俄罗斯的私人报告。20世纪的开头以苏俄的革命开始，又以苏联的解体为尾声，有关苏联的书可谓汗牛充栋，可这部纪实文学却是卡普钦斯基倾尽全力与心血的著作，为读者全方位、多视角地解析俄罗斯的过去。

1991年苏联的解体无疑是20世纪发生的最重大的事件之一。作者根据最近解密的老布什总统图书馆的绝密档案，包括总统顾问的备忘录和老布什与世界各国领导人的绝密电话记录，重新解读了那段纷繁复杂的历史。 本书挑战了关于冷战结束的传统观念，揭示了布什政府试图结束冷战、保全苏联作为其国际舞台上的重要伙伴的复杂游戏。 作者着眼于事件中心的四个人物—乔治·布什、米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫、鲍里斯·叶利钦、列昂尼德·克拉夫丘克—来讲述苏联最后五个月间发生的故事，这五个月改变了苏联的命运和世界的格局。本书作者会多国语言，能够查阅英语、俄语、波兰语、乌克兰语和白俄罗斯语的文献，这让他能够站在一个特殊的立场来呈现一个关于苏联解体的全新的、戏剧性的故事。

《一个大国的崛起与崩溃》是一部有关苏联74年兴衰历史的实证性专题研究著作，由22名中国学者合力完成，书中涉及政治、军事、外交、经济、文化、民族、宗教等各个方面，共28个专题，总计约110万字。这部著作利用大量俄国解密档案，立足专题或个案分析，开拓新的研究领域和研究视角，以重构苏联74年历史兴衰的主要过程。

Between the winter of 1936 and the autumn of 1938, approximately three quarters of a million Soviet citizens were subject to summary execution. More than a million others were sentenced to lengthy terms in labour camps. Commonly known as 'Stalin's Great Terror', it is also among the most misunderstood moments in the history of the twentieth century. The Terror gutted the ranks of factory directors and engineers after three years in which all major plan targets were met. It raged through the armed forces on the eve of the Nazi invasion. The wholesale slaughter of party and state officials was in danger of making the Soviet state ungovernable. The majority of these victims of state repression in this period were accused of participating in counter-revolutionary conspiracies. Almost without exception, there was no substance to the claims and no material evidence to support them. By the time the terror was brought to a close, most of its victims were ordinary Soviet citizens for whom 'counter-revolution' was an unfathomable abstraction. In short, the Terror was wholly destructive, not merely in terms of the incalculable human cost, but also in terms of the interests of the Soviet leaders, principally Joseph Stalin, who directed and managed it. The Great Fear presents a new and original explanation of Stalin's Terror based on intelligence materials in Russian archives. It shows how Soviet leaders developed a grossly exaggerated fear of conspiracy and foreign invasion and lashed out at enemies largely of their own making.

Kim Philby was the greatest spy in history, a brilliant and charming man who rose to head Britain’s counterintelligence against the Soviet Union during the height of the Cold War—while he was secretly working for the enemy. And nobody thought he knew Philby like Nicholas Elliott, Philby’s best friend and fellow officer in MI6. The two men had gone to the same schools, belonged to the same exclusive clubs, grown close through the crucible of wartime intelligence work and long nights of drink and revelry. It was madness for one to think the other might be a communist spy, bent on subverting Western values and the power of the free world. But Philby was secretly betraying his friend. Every word Elliott breathed to Philby was transmitted back to Moscow—and not just Elliott’s words, for in America, Philby had made another powerful friend: James Jesus Angleton, the crafty, paranoid head of CIA counterintelligence. Angleton's and Elliott’s unwitting disclosures helped Philby sink almost every important Anglo-American spy operation for twenty years, leading countless operatives to their doom. Even as the web of suspicion closed around him, and Philby was driven to greater lies to protect his cover, his two friends never abandoned him—until it was too late. The stunning truth of his betrayal would have devastating consequences on the two men who thought they knew him best, and on the intelligence services he left crippled in his wake. Told with heart-pounding suspense and keen psychological insight, and based on personal papers and never-before-seen British intelligence files, A Spy Among Friends is Ben Macintyre’s best book yet, a high-water mark in Cold War history telling.

Winner of the Pulitzer Prize One of the Best Books of the Year: The New York Times  From the editor of The New Yorker : a riveting account of the collapse of the Soviet Union, which has become the standard book on the subject. Lenin’s Tomb combines the global vision of the best historical scholarship with the immediacy of eyewitness journalism. Remnick takes us through the tumultuous 75-year period of Communist rule leading up to the collapse and gives us the voices of those who lived through it, from democratic activists to Party members, from anti-Semites to Holocaust survivors, from Gorbachev to Yeltsin to Sakharov. An extraordinary history of an empire undone, Lenin’s Tomb stands as essential reading for our times.

From the author of the best-selling One Minute to Midnight , a riveting account of the pivotal six-month period spanning the end of World War II, the dawn of the nuclear age, and the beginning of the Cold War. When Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill met in Yalta in February 1945, Hitler’s armies were on the run and victory was imminent. The Big Three wanted to draft a blueprint for a lasting peace—but instead set the stage for a forty-four-year division of Europe into Soviet and western spheres of influence. After fighting side by side for nearly four years, their political alliance was rapidly fracturing. By the time the leaders met again in Potsdam in July 1945, Russians and Americans were squabbling over the future of Germany and Churchill was warning about an “iron curtain” being drawn down over the Continent. These six months witnessed some of the most dramatic moments of the twentieth century: the cataclysmic battle for Berlin, the death of Franklin Roosevelt, the discovery of the Nazi concentration camps, Churchill’s electoral defeat, and the dropping of atomic bombs on Japan. While their armies linked up in the heart of Europe, the political leaders maneuvered for leverage: Stalin using his nation’s wartime sacrifices to claim spoils, Churchill doing his best to halt Britain’s waning influence, FDR trying to charm Stalin, Truman determined to stand up to an increasingly assertive Soviet superpower. Six Months in 1945 brilliantly captures this momentous historical turning point, chronicling the geopolitical twists behind the descent of the iron curtain, while illuminating the aims and personalities of larger-than-life political giants. It is a vividly rendered story of individual and national interests in fierce competition at a seminal moment in history.

在这部受到普遍称赞的权威性的《古拉格:一部历史》著作中，安妮•阿普尔鲍姆第一次对古拉格——一个大批关押了成百上千万政治犯和刑事犯的集中营——进行了完全纪实性的描述，从它在俄国革命中的起源，到斯大林治下的扩张，再到公开性时代的瓦解。阿普尔鲍姆深刻地再现了劳改营生活的本质并且将其与苏联的宏观历史联系起来。 《古拉格:一部历史》出版之后立即被认为是一部人们期待已久的里程碑式的学术著作，对于任何一个希望了解二十世纪历史的人来说，它都是一本必读书。

《苏共亡党之谜:从权力结构之伤到用人体制之亡》内容简介：一定程度上讲，一部人类社会史也是一部权力结构史。制度问题的核心是权力结构。自斯大林始的一代代苏共党人，抛弃列宁晚年顶层设计的等腰三角形权力结构（党代会选举产生相平行的中央委员会和中央监察委员会），长期守成并极化党委特别是第一书记集决策、执行、监督三权为一身的单边形权力结构模式（领导制度），以及“根本违背（巴黎）公社精神”，“期等级授职制代替普选制”的“武大郎”式用人体制（组织制度），这既是苏联模式的两大核心标志，也是苏共亡党的两大根本性原因，还是改革开放总设计师邓小平进行党和国家领导制度改革顶层设计的重要镜鉴。