一部西方学者研究中国史的典范之作。深挖清代巴县衙门档案史料，描绘地方县衙吏役的日常综合图景，颠覆人们对吏役的刻板印象，从“爪牙”透视中华帝国晚期的历史。
【图书简介】
书吏和差役，帝国之“爪牙”，基层社会运行和帝国统治不可或缺之人。本书利用清代巴县档案中的丰富素材，向我们刻画了清代巴县衙门的差役和书吏们生动形象。通过辨析史料提供的丰富信息，作者挑战了人们对衙门吏役的刻板印象，探讨吏役在维系帝国统治与基层社会运行中的“合理性”（不可或缺性），从而更为全面深刻地理解这些人物在清代县衙当中所实际扮演的角色，并思考其活动是如何可能影响到清代的国家与地方社会之关系。
在构建以“爪牙”为中心的清代基层社会运行的大叙事中，作者表现了一种更为宏大的学术视野，将地方史、社会史、政治史，以及心理分析等研究方法相结合，展现了更为丰富的学术样貌，对我们深入理解官僚制、国家与社会之关系、话语分析等社会科学所关心的重要问题皆富有学术启发性。
【图书亮点】
1.“超级教授”黄宗智主编的“实践社会科学系列”003号图书；
2.徐忠明、赵世瑜、邱澎生、张泰苏等多位学者一致推荐；
3.深挖历史细节，还原真实图景。本书深挖清代巴县衙门档案史料，脉络清晰，论点集中，在零碎散乱、复杂繁多的档案中，尽可能还原历史细节，合理地描绘出一幅清代县衙吏役的日常综合图景；
4.学术价值较高，学术启发性强。在构建以“爪牙”为中心的清代基层社会运行的大叙事中，作者表现了一种更为宏大的学术视野，他在方法论的层次上，将地方史、社会史、政治史，以及心理分析等研究方法相结合，展现了更为丰富的学术样貌；
5.译文反复打磨，力求“信、达、雅”。译者忠于英文原著，将西方一些特有的学术表述做了本土化处理，契合清朝的时代语境，贴近中文读者的阅读习惯，语言流畅，为中国法史学作品如何与西方演变做更有效的比较和对比，提供了优秀的范本；
6.本书装帧契合本书内容，融合了《点石斋画报》及渝城图—巴蜀衙门局部等元素。书中还从已影印出版的巴县档案选编、官箴书、清末的《点石斋画报》等史料中选取了若干张档案原件照片、书页和图画，并将其作为中译本封面设计的素材与书内的插图，与本书内容相互映照。
【编辑推荐】
长期以来，几乎所有研究清代地方政府的学术著作，皆漫画式地将衙门吏役普遍描述为贪腐成性、一心只为追求自身私利之辈，认为这些“为官之爪牙”的小人物在侵蚀着帝国统治的根基。本书利用清代巴县档案中的丰富素材，向我们展示了与上述刻板形象大为不同的另一幅历史图景。清代县衙的书吏与差役创制出了并奉行着一些非常精细的惯例、规矩与程序，但这些事实上发挥着行政法律制度之功用的惯例、规则与程序，却不被清代的正式法律所承认，其中一些做法甚至历来被朝廷视为非法并下令禁止。不过即便如此，上述这些惯例、规矩与程序仍具有一定的合理性，实际上在弥补着由于缺乏正式规则所造成的空隙。
本书超越那些将衙门吏役简单视为反面人物的刻板印象描述，它不仅在瞿同祖等前辈们所做的先行研究之基础上做出了创新性的学术推进，而且揭示了迥异于马克斯•韦伯所描画的现代西方理性化官僚行政的另一种行政行为模式。
【名家推荐】
《爪牙：清代县衙的书吏与差役》一书以巴县档案为基本史料，通过辨析史料提供的丰富信息，挑战了人们对衙门吏役的刻板印象。此书的一个耀眼亮点，是以“惯例”为分析工具，考察巴县衙门书吏和差役的人员构成，评估他们的人数与行为，推翻了以往那些印象式的夸张描述。特别是，基于廉洁奉公的高调职业伦理及维护这一伦理准则的律例规定，书吏和差役的定额薪资极低甚至一度被克扣殆尽，办公经费更是严重短缺，从而产生了名目繁多的规费。在清人看来，如果“规费”之外一钱不要，那么就不能算腐败。此书作者认为，吏役并非如人们想象的那么腐败。律例对吏役的规制极为粗略，其所留下的空白，往往由“惯例”来填补。关于书吏和差役的利益分配、内部晋升诸问题，便是由惯例和合约来调整的。这一亮点的启示意义在于，若要理解清代中国的官场运作与民间秩序，则必须关注惯例。此书对吏役之“家族、朋党和派系”的分析，对“权力网络”概念的运用，亦有学术启发意义。
——徐忠明（中山大学法学院教授）
虽然中国学者自瞿同祖、缪全吉诸先生以来对明清时期的胥吏有一些开创性的研究，但《爪牙：清代县衙的书吏与差役》一书利用清代中晚期巴县档案为主要材料所做相同主题的研究，将这一群体置于具体的地方情境和日常行政运作的实况之中，使我们对其的认识更为深入。随着近年来清代县级档案的整理出版和各地大量地方文书的搜集与利用，对这一群体的认识将会更为丰满、多样和细致。因此，此书无论在具体分析还是在理论讨论上，都起到了承上启下的作用。
——赵世瑜（北京大学历史系教授）
“国家设官，以为民也。故凡官与民亲则治，与胥隶亲则否”（光绪《澎湖厅志稿》卷3“职官”），清官与好官必定要“严打”胥吏吗？针对这类指责书吏与差役的传统中国主流政治论述，《爪牙：清代县衙的书吏与差役》一书运用详实的巴县档案，矫正了我们习见常闻的惯性思维，并就胥吏如何作为清代政治系统有效运作的重要“非正式制度”，借助迈克尔•曼（Michael Mann）的历史社会学理论视野，进行了极有学术意义的对话与发展。
——邱澎生（上海交通大学历史系特聘教授）
《爪牙：清代县衙的书吏与差役》一书是西方学者研究中国史的典范之作，自其出版以来，一直广为学界称誉。该书着眼于清代地方治理的制度结构与社会生态，生动且精准地描述了政府强权与社群自治的互动、交融乃至相互依赖，兼具实证厚度与理论深度。此外，在对县级档案的运用上，该书也是先驱者之一，引领了重大的方法论变革。如今它的中译版面世，对于国内学者来说，是又一次了解、剖析、学习“他山之石”的良机。
——张泰苏（耶鲁大学法学院教授）
【图书简介】

对于社会运动、政治运动以及革命的研究在国内一直未见专著。本书可以弥补这一空白。本书对社会运动与革命进行了界定并评述了其研究方法，综合论述了西方社会运动和革命理论的发展，阐述了集体行为以及情感在社会运动中的作用。并提出了研究社会运动的宏观影响因素：变迁、结构以及话语。强调了国家在社会运动发展中的重要作用。并对社会运动研究领域内的几个重要理论作了一定的评述。

In the 1940s, a small Mexican town has seen its last three mayors assassinated in rapid succession. A naive janitor is recruited to become the new mayor, and he believes he will modernize the little town and usher in a reign of peace. But the system corrupts him very quickly, and he takes to abusing his power while associating with an unscrupulous assortment of opportunists, hypocrites and criminals.

The state is central to social scientific and historical inquiry today, reflecting its importance in domestic and international affairs. States kill, coerce, fight, torture, and incarcerate, yet they also nurture, protect, educate, redistribute, and invest. It is precisely because of the complexity and wide-ranging impacts of states that research on them has proliferated and diversified. Yet, too many scholars inhabit separate academic silos, and theorizing of states has become dispersed and disjointed. This book aims to bridge some of the many gaps between scholarly endeavors, bringing together scholars from a diverse array of disciplines and perspectives who study states and empires. The book offers not only a sample of cutting-edge research that can serve as models and directions for future work, but an original conceptualization and theorization of states, their origins and evolution, and their effects.

In the context of the recent financial crisis, the extent to which the U.S. economy has become dependent on financial activities has been made abundantly clear. In "Capitalizing on Crisis", Greta Krippner traces the longer-term historical evolution that made the rise of finance possible, arguing that this development rested on a broader transformation of the U.S. economy than is suggested by the current preoccupation with financial speculation. Krippner argues that state policies that created conditions conducive to financialization allowed the state to avoid a series of economic, social, and political dilemmas that confronted policymakers as postwar prosperity stalled beginning in the late 1960s and 1970s. In this regard, the financialization of the economy was not a deliberate outcome sought by policymakers, but rather an inadvertent result of the state's attempts to solve other problems. The book focuses on deregulation of financial markets during the 1970s and 1980s, encouragement of foreign capital into the U.S. economy in the context of large fiscal imbalances in the early 1980s, and changes in monetary policy following the shift to high interest rates in 1979. Exhaustively researched, the book brings extensive new empirical evidence to bear on debates regarding recent developments in financial markets and the broader turn to the market that has characterized U.S. society over the last several decades.

The attempt to reduce the role of the state in the market through tax cuts, decreases in social spending, deregulation, and privatization—“neoliberalism”—took root in the United States under Ronald Reagan and in Britain under Margaret Thatcher. But why did neoliberal policies gain such prominence in these two countries and not in similarly industrialized Western countries such as France and Germany?
In The Politics of Free Markets, a comparative-historical analysis of the development of neoliberal policies in these four countries,Monica Prasad argues that neoliberalism was made possible in the United States and Britain not because the Left in these countries was too weak, but because it was in some respects too strong. At the time of the oil crisis in the 1970s, American and British tax policies were more punitive to business and the wealthy than the tax policies of France and West Germany; American and British industrial policies were more adversarial to business in key domains; and while the British welfare state was the most redistributive of the four, the French welfare state was the least redistributive. Prasad shows that these adversarial structures in the United States and Britain created opportunities for politicians to find and mobilize dissatisfaction with the status quo, while the more progrowth policies of France and West Germany prevented politicians of the Right from anchoring neoliberalism in electoral dissatisfaction.

The aftershocks of the economic crisis that began in 2008 still rock the world, and have been followed by a crisis in democratic governance. The gravity of the situation is matched by a general paucity of understanding as to precisely what is happening and how it started.
In this new edition of a highly acclaimed book, Wolfgang Streeck revisits his recent arguments in the light of Brexit and the continued crisis of the EU. These developments are only the latest events in the long neoliberal transformation of postwar capitalism that began in the 1970s, a process that turned states away from tax toward debt as a source of revenue, and from that point into the ‘consolidation state’ of today. Central to this analysis is the changing relationship between capitalism and democracy—in Europe and elsewhere—and the advancing immunization of the former against the latter.

《国家建设与政府行为》分三个单元——即国家建设与治理模式、国家建设与资源配置、国家建设与社会管理，对中国的近现代的国家治理与政府行为进行了探讨。全书的十一篇专题论文均在经验资料分析、理论思路开拓、概念工具形成方面做出努力，试图在积累学术知识方面做出贡献。每个单元还邀请了在学术上颇有见地的学者进行了深入的评论。《国家建设与政府行为》的研究对关注中国国家建设与政府行为研究的社会学、经济学、政治学、管理学者来说，将有所助益。

Selina Meyer, the former vice president and president, is looking to get back to the Oval Office. Can she shake off years of flubs and scandals?

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? In The Contentious Public Sphere, Ya-Wen Lei shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. Lei examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded.
Using interviews, newspaper articles, online texts, official documents, and national surveys, Lei shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. She demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people.
Investigating how individuals learn to use public discourse to influence politics, The Contentious Public Sphere offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state-society relations.

What is the nature of the modern state? How did it come into being and what are the characteristics of this distinctive field of power that has come to play such a central role in the shaping of all spheres of social, political and economic life?<br /><br />In this major work the great sociologist Pierre Bourdieu addresses these fundamental questions. Modifying Max Weber’s famous definition, Bourdieu defines the state in terms of the monopoly of legitimate physical and symbolic violence, where the monopoly of symbolic violence is the condition for the possession and exercise of physical violence. The state can be reduced neither to an apparatus of power in the service of dominant groups nor to a neutral site where conflicting interests are played out: rather, it constitutes the form of collective belief that structures the whole of social life. The ‘collective fiction’ of the state Ð a fiction with very real effects - is at the same time the product of all struggles between different interests, what is at stake in these struggles, and their very foundation.<br /><br />While the question of the state runs through the whole of Bourdieu’s work, it was never the subject of a book designed to offer a unified theory. The lecture course presented here, to which Bourdieu devoted three years of his teaching at the Collège de France, fills this gap and provides the key that brings together the whole of his research in this field. This text also shows ‘another Bourdieu’, both more concrete and more pedagogic in that he presents his thinking in the process of its development. While revealing the illusions of ‘state thought’ designed to maintain belief in government being oriented in principle to the common good, he shows himself equally critical of an ‘anti-institutional mood’ that is all too ready to reduce the construction of the bureaucratic apparatus to the function of maintaining social order.<br /><br />At a time when financial crisis is facilitating the hasty dismantling of public services, with little regard for any notion of popular sovereignty, this book offers the critical instruments needed for a more lucid understanding of the wellsprings of domination.

Power is the central organizing principle of all social life, from culture and education to stratification and taste. And there is no more prominent name in the analysis of power than that of noted sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Throughout his career, Bourdieu challenged the commonly held view that symbolic power - the power to dominate - is solely symbolic. He emphasized that symbolic power helps create and maintain social hierarchies, which form the very bedrock of political life. By the time of his death in 2002, Bourdieu had become a leading public intellectual, and his argument about the more subtle and influential ways that cultural resources and symbolic categories prevail in power arrangements and practices had gained broad recognition. In "Symbolic Power, Politics, and Intellectuals", David L. Swartz delves deeply into Bourdieu's work to show how central - but often overlooked - power and politics are to an understanding of sociology. Arguing that power and politics also stand at the core of Bourdieu's sociology, Swartz illuminates Bourdieu's political project for the social sciences, as well as Bourdieu's own political activism, explaining how sociology is not just science but also a crucial form of political engagement.

关于中国国家的治理逻辑，本书主要沿着两条脉络进行探讨：一是中央权威与地方政府之间的关系，这体现在各级政府体制的制度设施和行为方式；一是国家与民众之间的关系，这体现在国家与社会群体的相互影响上。本书从学术上推进了当前国内的国家治理研究，并为社会科学研究者提供了一种可以参照 的研究路径和视角。

作者以娓娓而谈的文笔和行云流水般的故事，写出医学研究生池大为空怀壮志、无职无权的苦，时来运转、有名有利的难；在真切地展示他的人生旅程的同时，也把困扰他的人生难题一一解开。

乌柚县有两个刘星明：一个是人称“刘半间”的县委书记，一个是李济运的同学“刘差配”。
李济运身为县委常委、县委办主任，也是县委书记刘星明的得力助手，却因政府选举风波两人貌合神离。乌柚县把选举中的差额配角叫做差配，差配干部的角色很有些暖昧。原定的差配干部舒泽光不肯合作，李济运推荐的同学刘星明却在会场突然发疯。
舒泽光先后因经济问题和嫖娼被调查，却清白脱身。舒泽光的老婆宋香云是幼儿园的饮事员，她不满男人被陷害而投毒，所幸没有造成人员伤亡。成鄂渝是某中央媒体的记者，每遇地方出事便前往敲诈。李济运同宣传部长朱芝巧为周旋，不使事态弄得沸沸扬扬。李济运做的事同朱芝异曲同工，他主管信访。原物价局长舒泽光、原财政局副局长刘大亮因上访被送进精神病医院。李济运十分苦闷，找老同学熊雄诉苦。
民营企业家贺飞龙红黑两道，却很得刘星明赏识，先被推为县政协委员，又被任命为县长助理。而乌柚很多群众上访，都同贺飞龙的生意有关。李济运老家房子被炸，作案者竟是贺飞龙的手下。公安局长周应龙出面说情，李济运只好给个面子。
市里的领导班子突然有了变动：李济运的老领导田副书记调任省交通厅副厅长，成鄂渝调任市委宣传部长！
李济发因为自家煤矿出事而被玩弄，联合人大主任李非凡、县长明阳、政协主席吴德满、李济运一齐倒刘，最终，刘星明被市纪委带走了。
熊雄被派到乌柚当县委书记，李济运同朱芝大喜过望。然而，熊雄却完全变了个人：乌柚县的班子格局很快发生变化，李济运被调到省交通厅挂职，明阳被调走，李非凡就地免职，吴德满提前退居二线。朱芝被免去宣传部长职务，神秘失踪的李济发生死不明……

本书是一部具有开创性的、令人耳目一新的总统回忆录，从没有一本国家领导人的自传写得如此诚恳，它将令支持者动容，令批评者惊诧，它将改变世人对美国历史这不平凡的8年及对乔治·沃克·布什本人的看法。
在这部坦诚率直的自传中，乔治·沃克·布什总统并没有按时间顺序写自己的人生历程，而是别出心裁，挑选了决定其总统生涯和个人生活的14个重大决策，详述了每个重大决策幕后的细节。

1960年，因为一则批评性广告，警察局长沙利文以诽谤为由，将《纽约时报》告上法庭，并申请巨额赔偿。两审失利后，几乎被各地政府官员相继提起的索赔逼至绝境的《纽约时报》，奋起上诉至联邦最高法院。九位大法官在“《纽约时报》诉沙利文案”中力挽狂澜，宣布“对公共事务的讨论应当不受抑制、充满活力并广泛公开”，维护了媒体、公民批评官员的自由。《纽约时报》资深记者、两度普利策奖得主安东尼•刘易斯，以翔实史料、生动笔触，系统回顾了这起新闻自由史上的里程碑案件，并循此为线，串接起美国人民争取言论自由的司法抗争历史，完美展现了霍姆斯、布兰代斯、汉德、沃伦、布伦南、布莱克、韦克斯勒等伟大法官和律师的形象。

二十世纪的历史将以最浓重的笔墨，记载着人类的两大悲剧，法西斯的暴行和文革浩劫，凡这两大灾难的经历者，都在努力忘它，却又无法忘记它……