《文化与权力》是在西方社会学界，特别是布尔迪厄研究领域享有盛誉的著作。布尔迪厄是当今世界最具影响力的社会理论家之一，他的著作对于20世纪90年代以来的汉语学界产生着越来越大的影响。但是对于不熟悉法国思想文化语境的中国学者而言，解读布尔迪厄却不是一件容易的事情。作为对布尔迪厄著作的综合的，批判性的检讨，本书围绕布尔迪厄理论的一个核心主题——文化与权力之间的关系展开，对布尔迪厄社会学的基本概念进行了清楚的界定与梳理，并通过详细的材料令人信眼地呈现了布尔迪厄的社会理论的学术渊源，分析了布尔迪厄如何综合了从涂尔干、马克思、韦伯以来的西方社会学理论和实践，并受到萨特、列维-斯特劳斯和阿尔都塞等思想家的影响。

No judgement of taste is innocent. In a word, we are all snobs. Pierre Bourdieu brilliantly illuminates this situation of the middle class in the modern world. France's leading sociologist focusses here on the French bourgeoisie, its tastes and preferences. Distinction is at once a vast ethnography of contemporary France and a dissection of the bourgeois mind. In the course of everyday life people constantly choose between what they find aesthetically pleasing and what they consider tacky, merely trendy, or ugly. Bourdicu bases his study on surveys that took into account the multitude of social factors that play a part in a Frenchperson's choice of clothing, furniture, leisure activities, dinner menus for guests, and many other matters of taste. What emerges from his analysis is that social snobbery is everywhere in the bourgeois world. The different aesthetic choices people make are all distinctions-that is, choices made in opposition to those made by other classes. Taste is not pure. Bourdieu finds a world of social meaning in the decision to order bouillabaisse, in our contemporary cult of thinness, in the "California sports" such as jogging and cross-country skiing. The social world, he argues, functions simultaneously as a system of power relations and as a symbolic system in which minute distinctions of taste become the basis for social judgement. The topic of Bourdieu's book is a fascinating one: the strategies of social pretension are always curiously engaging. But the book is more than fascinating. It is a major contribution to current debates on the theory of culture and a challenge to the major theoretical schools in contemporary sociology.

A true story of two men who should never have met – a quadriplegic aristocrat who was injured in a paragliding accident and a young man from the projects.

Michel Foucault offers an iconoclastic exploration of why we feel compelled to continually analyze and discuss sex, and of the social and mental mechanisms of power that cause us to direct the questions of what we are to what our sexuality is.

Michel Foucault has become famous for a series of books that have permanently altered our understanding of many institutions of Western society. He analyzed mental institutions in the remarkable Madness and Civilization; hospitals in The Birth of the Clinic; prisons in Discipline and Punish; and schools and families in The History of Sexuality. But the general reader as well as the specialist is apt to miss the consistent purposes that lay behind these difficult individual studies, thus losing sight of the broad social vision and political aims that unified them.
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Now, in this superb set of essays and interviews, Foucault has provided a much-needed guide to Foucault. These pieces, ranging over the entire spectrum of his concerns, enabled Foucault, in his most intimate and accessible voice, to interpret the conclusions of his research in each area and to demonstrate the contribution of each to the magnificent -- and terrifying -- portrait of society that he was patiently compiling.
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For, as Foucault shows, what he was always describing was the nature of power in society; not the conventional treatment of power that concentrates on powerful individuals and repressive institutions, but the much more pervasive and insidious mechanisms by which power "reaches into the very grain of individuals, touches their bodies and inserts itself into their actions and attitudes, their discourses, learning processes and everyday lives"
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Foucault's investigations of prisons, schools, barracks, hospitals, factories, cities, lodgings, families, and other organized forms of social life are each a segment of one of the most astonishing intellectual enterprises of all time -- and, as this book proves, one which possesses profound implications for understanding the social control of our bodies and our minds.
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Focault interprets his writtings about sexuality, politics and punishment.

In this brilliant work, the most influential philosopher since Sartre suggests that such vaunted reforms as the abolition of torture and the emergence of the modern penitentiary have merely shifted the focus of punishment from the prisoner's body to his soul.

作者1978-1979年的演讲。本书分析了市民社会相对于社会治理的多重角色，它既相对自主，同时又是治理干预的对象。由此，市民社会决不是国家的对立面，而是自由治理的相关物。

主要讨论了当代西方国家管理体制的形成史，并分析了它与中世纪基督教管理的根本不同。福柯的涉入点是从一些新的概念的诞生和它的意义的源起的追踪开始，如治理术，人口，安全，国家理性，统计学，外交，平衡等等。由此，福柯描画出了当代国家机器是如何一步步的演化而来。福柯对当代人的社会本质的形成史分析，极为发人深省。

在本书中，福柯为我们勾勒出了“不正常的”人的谱系。他认为“不正常的人”有三个源头，他们由历史上的三种人转变而来：一是“畸形人”，它不是指生理上有缺陷的人，而是对法律构成了障碍，使法律陷入困境的案例；二是“需要改造的人”，即某些桀骜不驯者，不服从管教，拒绝纪律的要求，等等；三是“手淫的儿童”，福柯认为，应从身体快乐原则出发，批判压抑理论，并将矛头指向对儿童的性进行干预的权力系统。

《说真话的勇气：治理自我与治理他者（2）》是米歇尔·福柯在法兰西学院最后两年的授课演讲，是“对自己和他人的治理”的续篇。在书中谈到“把所传授的、学到的、复述的、吸收的逻各斯变成行为主体的自发形式”。福柯不断地向前追寻直接表现在正值的行为和与自己的关系中的一种真实话语。他研究了政治的“parrhesia”，它被界定为真实的话语，不过是一种让说话者冒着拿他的生存作赌注的危险说出的真实话语。在书中，福柯有了令人惊讶的概念积累，并涌现出许许多多的研究课题，以此走向“真理的通道”。

《主体解释学》内容简介：如果我是画家，要给福柯画一幅人物肖像，那我一定挺犯难的。因为福柯善变，在思想方面，尤其如此。这倒应了“人”一词的拉丁文原意，即“人”（persona）是透过（per）面具发出的声音（son），换言之，人是隔着面具说话的。综观福柯复杂多变的一生，他不仅如此，而且还不时变换着面具，发出不同的声音。
福柯是个腼腆的人，平日话不多，也不善交际。据说当年在巴黎第八大学哲学系教书时，他与德勒兹、利奥塔等人都是同事，而且办公室也紧挨着，但是相互之间却绝少串门、聊天。其实，福柯喜静，爱呆在很少有读者光顾的索尔舒图书馆里查阅档案资料，读书与记笔记。有时疲劳了，他就出去遛大街，碰上熟人，也只是寒暄几句，然后又回去工作。这种工作狂的作风是巴黎高师培养出来的，它一度让少年福柯精神几近崩溃，两度试图自杀。

本书为法国著名思想家福柯在法兰西学院演讲系列之一，授课时间为1972～1973年。福柯在学术上多产的时期，正是教授《惩罚的社会》课程这段时期，主要是关于监禁机构和其他机构及普遍社会之间的关系的具体主题。福柯对于刑事问题的探究，在1973年1月转向了更大的目标，他不但致力于刑罚的产 生方面，而且还专心于惩罚性权力的产生，即“规训的”问题。福柯提到自从监狱被发明以来，它被看做是唯一的对犯罪行径的解决方式。福柯在本课程中，首次着手研究监狱形式的司法和社会特征，从长期以来不作为刑罚而是作为惩罚的监禁如何在社会中迅速转为刑罚这一问题开始深入，指出在过去监狱并没有被包含在刑法理论中，它在别处产生，为了其他的原因而形成，在某种意义上，对监狱的接受过程是从外部过渡到刑法理论的，而事后刑法理论有责任使监狱成为正当合法的。本课程与三个方面相悖——霍布斯、阿尔都塞，克劳塞维茨、戈夫曼，马克思、汤普森——其全部论据是围绕着五个基本的主题展开的：一是从镇压向生产方面的转折；二是政治经济学和非法活动理论的发展；三是马克思主义和意识形态分析的区别；四是道德谱系学；五是与之相伴的“规训—惩罚”。

Madness & Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, by Michel Foucault, is an examination of the ideas, practices, institutions, art & literature relating to madness in Western history. It's an abridged English edition of Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique, originally published in 1961 as Folie et déraison. Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique. A full translation, The History of Madness, was published by Routledge in 6/2006. This was his 1st major book, written while Director of the Maison de France in Sweden.
This history begins in the Middle Ages, noting the social & physical exclusion of lepers. It argues that with the gradual disappearance of leprosy, madness came to occupy this excluded position. The ship of fools in the 15th century is a literary version of one such exclusionary practice, the practice of sending mad people away in boats. However, during the Renaissance, madness was regarded as a common phenomenon because humans couldn't attain Divine Reason. As Cervantes' Don Quixote, all humans are weak to desires & dissimulation. Therefore, the insane, understood as those who had come too close to God's Reason, were accepted in the middle of society. It isn't before the 17th century, in a movement famously called the Great Confinement, that unreasonable people systematically were institutionalized. In the 18th century, the mad came to be seen as having lost what made them human & become animalistic & treated as such. It isn't before 19th century that madness was regarded as an illness to be cured.
Foucault wasn't talking about medical institutions designed specifically for the insane but about the creation of houses of confinement for social outsiders, including not only the insane but also vagrants, the poor & orphans, & what effect those houses of confinement had on the insane & perceptions of madness in the West. He demonstrates that while confinement of social outcastes was a generally European phenomenon, it had a unique development in France & distinct developments in other countries such as Germany & England.
Foucault also argues that madness during the Renaissance had the power to signify the limits of social order & to point to a deeper truth. This was silenced by Enlightened Reason. He also examines the rise of modern scientific & humanitarian treatment of the insane, notably at the hands of Philippe Pinel & Samuel Tuke. He claims these modern treatments were no less controlling than previous methods. Tuke's country retreat for the mad consisted of punishing them until they gave up their commitment to madness. Similarly, Pinel's treatment of the mad amounted to an extended aversion therapy, including such treatments as cold showers & straitjackets. This treatment amounted to repeated brutality until the pattern of judgment & punishment was internalized by the patient.

《走近中国基督教徒》以回忆录的形式再现了他的行程，回忆了红衣主教倾听他人的意愿：“我的良好愿望是建立在对一个伟大人民的尊敬和记忆的基础上的。”教宗若望·保罗二世走遍全世界，但从未到过中国。红衣主教罗杰·艾切卡雷、马赛大主教、法国主教大会主席，在成为若望·保罗二世的全世界正义与和平特使之前就是第一个到过人民中国的红衣主教。在1980年，他第一次到中国。此后，他又去过三次。
在他的第一次北京旅行时，他佩戴了一枚刻有“友谊”字样的徽章，《走近中国基督教徒》的内容就是对友谊的回应。“《走近中国基督教徒》充满了对一个民族的强烈热爱，这个民族有几千年的文化，慢慢开始认识基督，现在他们必须面对令他们既期望又担忧的现代化的巨大挑战。”
在第三个千年的开始，中国和印度的人口占全世界人口的三分之一。红衣主教不禁自问，上帝的计划是什么？

《人都是要死的》内容简介：中世纪时期，意大利亚平宁半岛上并存着一百来个各自为政的小城邦，频年相互攻战，企图争雄称霸。城邦权力的建立依靠暴力和阴谋。君主们的生活骄奢淫逸，党同伐异，政权的更迭异常迅速。
公元一二七九年，雷蒙·福斯卡出身于卡尔莫那的一个贵族家庭。后来当上了该邦的君主。他努力振兴城邦，欲与当时强盛的佛罗伦萨、热那亚等并驾齐驱。可是他感到人生须臾，无法在短短几十年的岁月中治理好一个国家。他盼望长生不老。在一次偶然的机会，他从一名老乞丐手里取得来自埃及的不死药，服下后以为从此可以轰轰烈烈地干一番事业。意大利各城邦争权夺利的结果，反而招致法国势力的入侵。
福斯卡看到国家与国家之间的命运是相通的，要励精图治真正有所作为，必须掌握一个统一的宇宙。他不惜把卡尔莫那献给疆域庞大的日耳曼神圣罗马帝国，自己充当皇帝的谋士。帝国皇帝查理五世在位四十年，不但没有如愿地建立依照基督教教义行事的世界帝国，反忙于镇压各地诸侯的兴起与叛乱。兵连祸结，帝国分崩离析，基督教也分裂成新旧两派。在新发现的美洲大陆上，欧洲殖民者推行种族灭绝政策，贪得无厌，强占尽可能多的土地，使原来庞大昌盛的印加帝国、玛雅城镇、阿兹特克民族的家园只剩下一堆废墟。福斯卡看到这种情景心灰意懒，认为统一的宇宙是不存在的，存在的只是分裂的人。一个人形成一个宇宙，他的内心是无法窥透的。一个人妄想为他人建立的幸福秩序，在他人眼里可能是一种灾难。在这些短暂、多若恒沙而又各不相干的心灵中，能不能找到可以共同依据作为真理的东西？他无法肯定。一个人唯一能做的好事，是按照自己的良心行动，其结果则难以预测。除此以外，人不能有其他奢望。
尔后，福斯卡与法国探险家卡利埃勘探加拿大大草原；在法国度过一七八九年革命爆发前的启蒙时期；参加一八三〇年推翻波旁王朝的群众起义；目睹一八四八年席卷欧洲、使工人阶级登上国际政治舞台的革命运动。在与普通人的接触中，福斯卡逐渐明白：人生虽然短促，谁都无法避免死亡，但是每个人的心中都潜伏着铄石流金的生命岩浆，在出生与死亡之间的生命过程中，一旦得到诱发和机遇，会做出惊天动地的大事，人还是可以有所作为的。从历史的角度看，一时的胜利会成为日后失败的伏笔，一时的失败也可能是日后胜利的种子。从有限的人生来看，一切成就还是具体而微的，胜利来临而失败未至的时刻人总是征服者，不管未来如何是奈何他不得的。福斯卡又看到，有了这样的信念，值得人去珍惜自己有限的生命；为了实现这样的信念，又值得人去献出自己宝贵的生命。生命一代代往下传，使人始终有爱，有恨，有微笑，有眼泪，充满了理想和希望。

《社会分工论》是法国社会学家涂尔干1893年的博士论文，是其开山之作。一开始他就显示了他反对单一的功利主义思维的立场，他指出社会是多元的，是由种种矛盾的部分组成的，是要适应相互矛盾的种种需要的，必须有一种限定与平衡。他选取的题目是一个经济学的对象，但他却要从其中找出非经济的内核来。这《社会分工论》的中心思想就是，劳动分工并不是纯粹经济现象。在这部著作中，涂尔干既提出了“社会团结”、“集体意识”、“功能”、“社会容量”、“道德密度”以及“社会分化与社会整合”这些后来一直为社会学界所沿用、修正和争论的概念‘也通过对“机械团结”与“有机团结”、“环节社会”与“分化社会”以及“压制性制裁”与“恢复性制裁”的纵向二元划分，探讨了历史演进的基本规律。概言之，涂尔干的社会学主义之基本立场在《社会分工论》已初现端倪：一切存在与现象的根源，皆为“社会”。

本书旨在论述关于现代灵魂与一种新的审判权力之间相互关系的历史，论述现行的科学—法律综合体的系谱。在这种综合体中，惩罚权力获得了自身的基础、证明和规则，扩大了自己的效应，并且用这种综合体掩饰自己超常的独特性。……如果这意味着写一部关于现在的历史，那才是我的兴趣所在。在我这一代对我们的时代进行诊断的哲学家圈子里，福柯是对时代精神影响最持久的。

从美学到惩罚体系，从疯癫与文明到尼采与先锋思想，福柯的作品对20世纪晚期的现代思想影响深远。然而，在涉及面广与影响力强的同时，这些作品也以晦涩难读著称。
本书为福柯的作品提供了可信的导读，这些作品涉及文学、政治、历史、哲学等广泛领域；同时，作者加里·古廷还探究了一些关键主题，这些主题在福柯深入研究身份、知识、现代社会中的权力等领域时，曾让他甚为着迷。